Historical Themes
Prehistoric
Agriculture and Relict Archaeology
The earliest settled communities on the Llyn
Peninsula from the fifth millennium BC were agriculturalists. Their
lifestyle was sedentary, not nomadic, they herded and corralled
livestock, they broke and turned the sod, sowed their seeds
and harvested their crops in the autumn. Their religious,
ceremonial and funerary monuments which have left such an evocative
mark on the landscape would seem to be permeated with mysteries
of the cycle of the seasons and a concern for the fertility
of the soil. It remains, nevertheless, that the evidence
of settlement and the agricultural impact on this Neolithic
landscape is extremely scarce. The survival of megalithic
chambered tombs or the tradition of their former presence may
be an indication of areas of population density during this
period but the evidence is so dispersed as to be of little
account in this respect. There is a tomb at Cromlech
Farm, Four Crosses; another at Pont Pensarn on the rising ground
behind Pwllheli and another on the headland of Mynydd Tirycwmwd. There
are two tombs on the Cilan peninsula, south of Llanengan and
a further two tombs on the eastern flank of Mynydd Rhiw. All
of these have been recorded on the east side of the peninsula,
on ground which is to some degree elevated. Two tombs
are recorded closer to the west coast near the headwaters of
the Afon Soch. One, Tregarnedd, is now lost; the other,
on the north flank of Mynydd Cefnamwlch, is a local landmark.
Mynydd Cefnamwlch
The distribution of surviving monuments of
the Earlier Bronze Age, towards the end of the third millennium
and the early second millennium BC, is similarly dispersed,
though more numerous. The funerary monuments, represented
by stone cairns, earthen barrows and ring ditches show some
degree of concentration on the high ground of Yr Eifl, particularly
their peaks and the adjacent mass of Carnguwch. To
the south-west, there is a standing stone on the south-eastern
flank of Moel Gwynus at 160 m OD and on the lower, moorish
ground close to the headwaters of the Afon Erch and, further
to the south-west, the Afon Rhyd-hir. There are standing
stones across the river from the church at Carnguwch and two
stones, 170 m apart at Ty Gwyn, to the north-east of the visible
outcrop of Moel y Penmaen. There are standing stones
near the Afon Erch between Pencaenewydd and Y Ffor. Another
important concentration of cairns on Mynydd Rhiw is flanked
by standing stones and a cist burial between Mynydd Rhiw and
Mynydd y Graig and an urn burial on the northern slopes of
Mynydd Rhiw.
Carnguwch
There are standing stones at Llangwnnadl and
Maen Hir, Pen y Groeslon and in the churchyard at Sarn Meyllteyrn. A
cairn with urn burials has been recorded on the slopes of Foel
Meyllteyrn and a cluster of seven ring ditches with central
graves and ploughed-out barrows has been excavated at Bodnithoedd,
at the western end of Botwnnog. These latter burials
were discovered by the presence of their cropmark ditches and
are an indication of a possible greater density of similar
sites, erased form the landscape by later agricultural activity
on lower ground.
Urn burials have been recorded, again on lower
ground, at Pen yr Orsedd, Morfa Nefyn, and a possible round
barrow nearby. A cluster of three barrows stand within
30 m of each other at 50 m OD, near the house of Cefn Mine,
south of Bodfel.
A cairn and stone-lined cist stands on the
plateau, at 340m OD, immediately below the summit of Carn Fadryn
and a possible cairn stands below and to the south of the visibly
striking cone of Garn Saethon at 165m OD.
Settlement enclosures with varying degrees
of defence or fortification and enclosed or unenclosed hut
circle settlements are more sure indicators of later prehistoric
farms in the Llyn landscape. Nevertheless, the distribution
is weighted in favour of locations on marginal land and upland
where the potential for the survival of evidence is greatest. In
the dry summers of 1989, 1990 and 2006 several new enclosures
were recorded as crop and parch marks with no other surviving
remains above ground, the evidence having been erased by centuries
of ploughing.
Few of these settlements have been excavated
to any great degree and little evidence for the farming regime
has been forthcoming. An important exception is the double-ditched
concentric enclosure which stands on a slight promontory overlooking
the Afon Soch at Sarn Meyllteyrn. The settlement spans
the end of the second and early first millennia BC. Pollen
evidence suggests an open grassland environment with wheat
and barley cultivated in the near vicinity.
The greatest density of surviving small farms,
of the later prehistoric and early Roman centuries, lie on
the slopes of the granite masses which range from Yr Eifl in
the north to Garn Boduan in the south-west. There are
nucleated groups and single round huts on the seaward facing
slopes of Gallt Bwlch and between Llithfaen and Pistyll. A
dispersed scatter of single huts and a nucleated, enclosed
group nearly, lie on south-east facing slopes below Bwlch Farm,
in the same area at around 200 m OD. These settlements
are at altitudes within cultivable limits but which are conveniently
sited to access summer grazing on the higher ground.
There are fourteen settlements occupying the
southern and south-eastern slopes, south of Llithfaen and Pistyll,
in the general altitude range of about 150 m OD, more or less,
following the contour from Moel Gwynus to Moel Ty Gwyn, Cerniog,
Mynydd Nefyn and the lower slopes of Garn Boduan and looking
out over the flat lands of Boduan and the Afon Rhyd-hir. Ten
of these settlements are nucleated and enclosed and we can
be certain that these represent established small farms of
the later prehistoric and Romano-British period. These
small farms are well-placed to exploit a cross-section of a
diverse landscape which includes arable cultivation and stock
rearing and in this context, the intractable higher slopes
of the igneous intrusions should be considered a resource rather
than a constraint.
There are two very substantial and broadly
contemporary stone-walled fortifications in this area. At
the northern end, Tre'r Ceiri occupies the easternmost peak
of Yr Eifl at 480 m OD. At the southern end Garn Boduan
rises above Nefyn and the coastal plain to 270 m OD. Both
hillforts have extensive and strong defences and both display
clear evidence of hut circle settlement within their ramparts. At
Tre'r Ceiri a chronological sequence is identifiable in the
replacement of large circular stone-walled houses with smaller,
compartmentalised units. There is also evidence for the
maintenance and repair of part of the rampart during the second
century AD. An argument could be advanced
that these forts, at altitude, could be related to stock control
and summer pasturing, particularly so in respect of the potential
hazard of cattle raiding in the summer months and the historically
recorded use of these uplands for grazing in later centuries.
Tre'r Ceiri
A comparable context might be met with in
the area of Carn Fadryn, Carn Bach and Garn Saethon, at 370
m, 280 m and 220 m respectively. Carn Fadryn has an extensive
plateau at 340 m, defended by stone ramparts. Single,
dispersed hut circles occupy the lower slopes of Carn Fadryn
and the saddle between it and Carn Bach. Another dispersed
group occupies the south-eastern slopes of Carn Bach. Nucleated
enclosed and unenclosed hut circles constitute farmsteads on
the flatter land overlooking the west flank of the Nanhoron
Gorge.
Carn Fadryn
There are defended enclosures at the north
end of Mynydd Rhiw, on a break of slope on the south east side
of the hog back and, as the ground rises again, a third hillfort,
Cregiau Gwineu, along a basalt intrusion at the summit of Mynydd
y Graig. There are several circular settlement enclosures
and nucleated hut circle groups on the south-western, and south-eastern,
slopes above the saddle between the south end of Mynydd Rhiw
and Mynydd y Graig and a string of single and dispersed hut
circles on the steep south-eastern slopes of Mynydd y Graig,
overlooking Porth Neigwl and Caridgan Bay. Mynydd Rhiw
and Mynydd y Graig were areas of upland grazing in more recent
centuries and it would not be unreasonable to suggest that
the disposition of later prehistoric settlement valued that
landscape for the same reason.
Castell Odo is a relatively small bivallate
hillfort on a low, but nevertheless, locally prominent rounded
hill, rising from the Aberdaron plateau at 146 m OD. The
defences were remodelled and replaced several times. Its
situation might suggest a main function as a focus of local
or regional lordship and control. Nevertheless, notwithstanding
politically strategic considerations, the fort is sited at
the interface of the productive agricultural land of the plain
and the extensive moorish wet ground of Rhoshirwaun which,
in antiquity, was used for grazing and fuel but not much else.
At the south-western limit of the Llyn peninsula
there are single and dispersed hut circles on the higher rocky
ground of Mynydd Anelog, Mynydd Mawr, Mynydd Bychestyn and
Pen y Cil which fringe the agricultural plateau of Uwchmynydd.
The lack of evidence across the farmlands of Aberdaron is undoubtedly
a consequence of extensive arable agriculture over centuries.
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Agriculture
from the Middle Ages to the present
The landscape of the present day is a dramatic transformation of the
pattern of the medieval agricultural landscape. Nevertheless, despite
changing agricultural regimes and priorities, the landscape remains
a palimpsest in which the past continues to inform the present. Taxations
of the thirteenth century and Minister’s Accounts of the fourteenth
century provide an insight into the crops, livestock and processes.
The Latin measures of land, bovate and carucate, relate to ploughland,
referring to oxen and ploughs and the Welsh terms, llain (pl. lleiniau)
and talor, so frequently occurring in field names up to the present
day reflect the ubiquitous presence of arable quillets and the headlands
on which the plough teams turned. Arable ploughlands could be extensive
and were unenclosed. Ploughing was undertaken by a team of oxen pulling
the plough, a ploughman and a boy walking backwards calling the team.
The number of oxen depended on the resources of the community who would
pool their assets. The process of ploughing was a shared operation
but long narrow, sinuous strips or quillets were carefully defined
and individually owned. Rarely would the strips of the same tenant
lie side by side and the dispersed nature of the quillets ensured a
reasonable distribution of good and less good land. The strips are
necessarily curved in a reversed S-shape to allow the lumbering team
of oxen to make a turn on the headland to return down the next furrow.
Carn Fadryn slopes
The crops sown and harvested were wheat, oats
and some barley. Rye was also grown in small quantities, as
were peas. Gardens supplemented the diet. Malt was made from
grain and brewing would seem to be reasonably widespread. Every
community had access to a mill. The tenants of bond townships
were invariably required to mill their grain at the Crown mills
which were, in Dinllaen, the mills of Ceirch, Hirdref, Boduan,
Nefyn and Gwynus; in Aeflogion, Gwerthyr, Ceirch, Deneio and
Llannor and in Cymydmaen, the mills of Neigwl, Crugerran and
Tywyn, all water mills. Freeholders often had their own mill
or shares in a mill, although, in certain circumstances, they
too milled at the Crown mill. Many of the locations of the
medieval mills will have been used continuously into the nineteenth
century, albeit rebuilt and replaced over a considerable period
of time. The mills of the freeholders were at Llannor, Pistyll,
Trefgoed, Madryn and Mochras in the commote of Dinllaen; Abersoch
(Melin Isa and Melin Ucha), Castellmarch, Bodfel and Llangian
in Aeflogion and Rhiw, Bodwrdda, Bodrhydd and a number of mills
named after their families which can not now be easily located
as, for example, the Melin Wyrion Gorid (the mill of the grandchildren
of Gorid). There was also a mill on the Bishop of Bangor’s
estate at Edern.
Across the townships of Afloegion, the south-eastern central part of
Llyn was capable of producing nearly 3 crannocks of flour (11.5 bushels)
and half a crannock (2 bushels) of grain per family. Each family, with
the exception of the poor, owned one or two beef cattle and four cows,
on average. The head of a family might own a horse and an additional
draught animal. In practice, however, some families were better off
than others. Angharad, the daughter of Adda and her son, in the township
of Bodfel, owned 42 beef cattle and 48 cows, 6 horses, 12 draught animals
and her farm was capable of producing 82 bushels of ground flour and
24 bushels of grain. This level of wealth and productivity was exceptional,
however. Sheep were also reared, in relatively small numbers, with
the exception of certain areas where David Fychan, in Marchros, and
Iorwerth Du in Bryn Celyn, both on the Cilan peninsula, had 20 sheep
each. Gwyn ap Rhirid, in Bachellaeth also had 20 sheep but no one else
kept so many.
Cattle-rearing was important for meat and also for dairy produce. Within
the context of royal administration during the Age of the Princes,
the significance of livestock production is reflected in the establishment
of what were essentially cattle ranches, located in areas which gave
access to uncultivated upland pastures, particularly during the summer
months, when crops were ripening in the unenclosed arable fields. In
the commote of Dinllaen, for example, vaccaries or Hafodydd are known
to have operated in Gwynus, Rhoswiniasa, Bleiddiog and Castellmawr,
south-east of Pistyll between Llithfaen and Cerniog.
In coastal areas, fishing was a very important seasonal supplement
to the diet. At Bryn Celyn on the Cilan peninsula, in 1293, Iorwerth
Du had a boat with nets. In Pwllheli, nine of the twenty-one tenants,
who had sufficient moveable wealth to be taxed, had nets; Madoc ap
Einion had seven. At Nefyn, 42 of the 93 tenants had fishing gear and,
together, could muster four boats and 64 nets.
Uwchmynydd
During the sixteenth century several leases of Crown land were granted
to private individuals. This was not a new phenomenon in itself but
at about the same time, transfers of freehold land were being made
and these acquisitions were to become the basis of consolidated estates.
Parcels of land began to be enclosed to create irregular fields and
closes from the formerly unenclosed arable quillets. The process extended
over a period of time and, in some locations, areas of unenclosed strips
in several different tenancies persisted into the late eighteenth and
early nineteenth centuries. Nevertheless, the outlines of a sufficient
number of relict arable quillets were delineated by clawdd banks to
survive into the present day. Particularly good examples may be seen
at Uwchmynydd, Aberdaron, Nefyn and Morfa Nefyn and on the Cilan peninsula.
During the course of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the major
estates on the Llyn peninsula continued to enlarge their holdings.
By the late seventeenth century the Vaynol Estate, based to the south
of Bangor, had acquired significant interests in the parishes of Llangian,
Llanengan and the Cilan peninsula and had control of Castellmarch.
The Griffiths’ of Cefnamwlch were expanding into Nyffryn, Cefnleisiog
and the coastal plain. The Edwards’ of Nanhoron had an interest
in almost all the parishes of Llyn and acquired the important estate
of Bodwrdda in Aberdaron in 1748. Towards the end of the eighteenth
century the Madryn estate coalesced with Wernfawr at Cors Geirch and
Rhydolion on the Neigwl plain. Bodfel and its related neighbour Boduan
were important in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
until Boduan passed, by marriage, into the orbit of Glynllifon and
the Newboroughs.
Hyde Hall, in 1810, expressed an opinion that, a generation earlier,
it would have seemed to be like a dead weight on a landowner’s
hands if a tenancy became vacant. In the climate of 1810, the advances
that had been made in the meantime were a significant incentive to
enter into a tenancy. The spirit of improvement permeated the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Landowners were investing
their money in their farms ‘in preference to the noble hazard
of faro or the too alluring chance of the turf!’ (Hyde Hall,
1810, ed E.G. Jones 1952, 293; Walter Davies, 1810, 94). Agricultural
societies were formed to promote better practices. The Caernarvonshire
Society was formed in 1808. At Rhiw a tenant of Sir Robert Vaughan
obtained a subvention from the Agricultural Society for pointing a
wall for a cattle enclosure, newly constructed. Considerable scientific
thought was going into the breeding of livestock; the appropriateness
of certain types of plough, the familiar Lomax or the new Scotch plough,
each ploughman with his own preference; and the merit and financial
comparisons of ox-drawn plough teams or harnessed horses.
Consideration and debate was given to crop rotation. Walter Davies
suggested a four year rotation for Llyn which comprised a first year
of wheat on fallow, or clover ley, limed; a second year of turnips
or other green crops, manured with dung or compost; a third year of
barley with a fourth year of clover with white clover and grass seeds
added (Davies, 1810, 163).
A draft letter, from Cefnamwlch, written on the pages of a rent book
in 1776 gives an insight into the daily routine on the farm at this
time:
Hon. Sir, … since you left … weeding or cleaning potatoes,
turning the dunghill in Cae’r Gwindy, mucking Cae’r Lloia
all over and almost ploughing it. Ploughed and harrowed Cae’r
Ychain and Cae’r Coed and planted it over with cabbage … opening
the water course. Heavy rain so obliged to take such work as clean
the sheep pens and courts at Cae’r Rhyd Ddu.
… barley has been sown since last week, likewise potatoes put down two
or three days ago. They are ploughing Cae’r Ychain for turnips and carrying
the stuff which was taken out of the drains in Gors Las.
… 42 hobets of oats sowed between Cae’r Pant, Cae’r Gongl,
Ffridd Wen and Cae’r Gate Wen … by this time we thought the horses
were much abused … thought it easier for them to muck for potatoes and
drawing stones to make a wall by Llyn Pen y Mount, then they began to plough
Barley at Cae’r Goetan and Ffriddwen which will be completed tonight.
… Droughty and hoar frost weather which we have had for a long time but
now these three or four days passed it is fine warm growing weather (Cefnamwlch
papers 307, Gwynedd Archives).
Rent books of Vaynol holdings in Llanengan and Llangian parishes give
an indication of the cropping regime in the 1820s. Tyddyn Talgoch on
the Cilan peninsula records: oats, barley, hay and meadow; pasture,
potatoes and fallow; oats; hay, barley and pasture. Llawr y Dref on
the Neigwl plain records: wheat, meadow, barley, hay, pasture and potatoes.
Deuglawdd nearby records: barley, wheat, pasture, pasture, meadow,
oats and potatoes.
Cattle had always been important on the Llyn peninsula. Pennant, in
the 1770s described the main produce of Llyn as oats, barley and black
cattle of which ‘above three thousand are annually sold out of
these parts’ (Pennant 1773, ed. J. Rhys, 1883, vol. 2, 374-5).
The cattle in question were driven by drovers for fattening in English
pastures before sale in the markets of London and the Midlands. Roadside
smithies along the drovers’ routes and at collection stations
are a continuing reminder of the trade.
Despite improvements, however, there was still room for criticism.
Walter Davies identified a short list of the obstacles to efficient
agriculture at the beginning of the nineteenth century and Hyde Hall’s
tour through Caernarvonshire provoked him to comment on certain deficiencies.
In his words: ‘of the agriculture here [at Nefyn] no favourable
account can be given, if a traveller judges from the slovenly management
of the fields, the ragged lines of earth which … pass for fences
[a reference to the undivided quillets of former open fields]. There
is wanting, too, all the shelter which trees afford, and the bareness … in
this respect that the very first improvement called for seems to be
that of plantations’. Again, in respect of Tudweiliog: ‘a
flat and woodless tract’; Llanfihangel Bachellaeth: ‘the
forlornness of its exposure, not a single tree’. The lack of
tree cover at that time, across several parishes, is only mitigated
by the plantations and gardens of the gentry houses.
Mud-wall house, west coast
Davies railed against the condition of many of the cottages of agricultural
labourers and small tenant farmers: ‘… a species of cottages
which are truly the habitations of wretchedness; one smokey hearth,
for it should not be styled a kitchen; one damp litter-cell for it
cannot be called a bed room’ (Davies 1810, 82). Hyde Hall encountered
several vernacular cottages still being built with thatched roofs and
considered this to be retrograde. His comment on newly built houses
in Llanbedrog encompasses his complaint: ‘ a hamlet called Pig
Street … sixteen new houses have been erected since 1800, but
as the number seems small, so the circumstances of thatch being generally
used when the opportunities of conveying slate by sea are so convenient … bespeaks
but little zeal or spirit of improvement about the place’. Very
similar considerations apply to the agricultural landscape and will
be discussed in more detail in the section on buildings.
Farm, southern Llyn
A further hindrance and obstacle to the development of efficient farming
was the state of the roads and tracks across Llyn which made it difficult
for the produce of farms to reach distant markets and for materials
and equipment to reach the farms. During the first half of the eighteenth
century it is suggested that few roads were fit for anything other
than local traffic across the whole district. At certain seasons of
the year and inclement weather wide detours would have to be made as,
for example, crossing the wet moor of Rhoshirwaun or the coastal route
south of Pwllheli. During the course of the nineteenth century landward
communications improved dramatically.
Despite an agricultural downturn, following the conclusion of the Napoleonic
wars during the second quarter of the nineteenth century, all the Llyn
parishes continued to put several hundred acres under the plough. In
the 1840s fifty percent of the total land mass was under arable cultivation.
The principal crops continued to be those grown 500 years and more
earlier, oats, barley and wheat, in that order of priority.
Some areas were naturally more productive
than others. Llaniestyn, Penllech, Llandygwnning and the small
parish of Botwnnog had seventy percent of their lands under
the plough. Llanfaelrhys, Boduan and Meyllteyrn had less than
thirty percent of their area under arable cultivation. At Boduan,
parkland and pasture on the mountain of Garn Boduan occupied
1300 of the parishes 1850 acres. At Llanfaelrhys, 1500 acres
of the parish was upland pasture, on the slopes of Mynydd Rhiw
and Penarfynydd and it is probable that the medieval bond township
of Penarfynydd maintained the same priorities six centuries
before.
Nanhoron Gorge
The twentieth century saw the increased consolidation
of holdings and amalgamation of individual tenancies into one
or two large farms with a reduced population of farm labourers
and an increased reliance on machinery. Fields had been enlarged
during the nineteenth century with the removal of ancient boundaries
and their replacement with ruler-straight banks, walls and
hedges. This process continued into the twentieth century to
accommodate machinery and a trend towards an increase in cattle-rearing
and dairy which was already in train by the second half of
the nineteenth century and from which time the cattle were
fattened locally rather than in English pastures.
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The organisation
of the Medieval administrative landscape
During the early Middle Ages the territorial divisions within the Kingdom
of Gwynedd were the cantrefi (pl), a very ancient designation. There
is no mention of the later subdivision of the cantref, the commote,
until the twelfth or thirteenth century. In the early Middle Ages the
power base of freeholding, dynastic, territorial lordships would have
been the maenol, a network of settlements linked by kinship, a clan-land,
with interests very widely spread. There might be several maenolau
(pl.) within the boundaries of a cantref and each, or at least some,
of the patrimonial heads of such an extended kindred might consider
themselves to be little different in status to the king himself. We
may glimpse something of the nature of this relationship, at a distance
in time, in the landed interests of the fourteenth-century progeny
of Cenythlin and Dwyrig in the townships of Carnguwch, Bodfel, Llangian,
Cilan, Bryn Celyn, Ystradgeirch and their hamlets. During the Age of
the Princes it would be usual for the related settlements of a maenol
to define its boundaries within the compass of a township. On the contrary,
in this instance, the landed interests of the progeny of Cenythlin
and Dwyrig extend across township boundaries and commotal boundaries,
from Carnguwch in the north to Cilan in the south, as though those
boundaries never existed. However, these several gwelyau are confined
to the eastern side of Cantref Llyn leaving open the possibility that
other comparable freeholding maenolau, now masked by later tenurial
arrangements, may once have occupied lands to the west of the peninsula.
It is probable that the administrative landscape of Gwynedd was transformed
during the twelfth century. The context may have been the stability
which ensued during the later years of Gruffudd ap Cynan’s reign
and the expansionism of Owain Gwynedd. Throughout the Kingdom the old
cantrefi were subdivided into commotes, either two or three commotes
in each cantref. The cantref of Llyn was divided into three. The commote
of Dinllaen occupied the northern part of the cantref. The commote
of Afloegion occupied the south-eastern part and Cymydmaen occupied
the south-west. Royal maerdrefi were installed in each of the three
cymydau (pl.).
A maerdref was a royal township, run on manorial lines comprising demesne
land and a llys, or mansion house, and a hamlet or hamlets of bond
tenants. The llys provided a residence for the prince when he visited
a particular region of the kingdom. It was also the administrative
hub of the commote. Rents and dues, owed by the tenants of the prince
in the commote, would be paid at the maerdref. The rents and dues may
have required carrying and repair work, food renders or cash payments.
The maerdref of Dinllaen was at Nefyn. The maerdref of Afloegion was
at Deneio (Pwllheli) and the maerdref of Cymydmaen was at Neigwl.
Nefyn, ancient core
The prince also maintained extensive pasture lands in each commote.
These hafodydd or friddoedd were probably operated more like cattle
ranches than summer pasture lands. In the commote of Dinllaen the hafodydd
were on and around the slopes of Gwynus, south of Yr Eifl. In Cymydmaen,
the township of Penarfynydd may have performed that function.
There would be bond tenants of the prince in the wider landscape of
the commote, working their own smallholdings and freeholders who, in
general, had dues to pay as well. The Bishop of Bangor also had free
and bond tenants and the Bishop’s demesne land and manorial residence
in the cantref of Llyn, was at Edern.
After the conquest of Gwynedd in 1283 some things changed and some
stayed the same. For many the change was a change of landlord. A new
administration was imposed, with its focus at Caernarfon and a sheriff
was installed in each of the three new counties. Llyn occupied part
of Caernarvonshire. Nevertheless, the commote was retained as a regional
unit within the county and the two important commotal officers under
the princes continued to have a role, particularly so in the case of
the Rhingyll (Carr, 1982, 59-60).
The former bond lands and demesne of the Prince came into the hand
of the English Crown and many favourites and petitioners of the Crown
interests were granted fee-farm leases of these lands. The royal hafodydd
were also leased separately from their associated townships. Nefyn
and Pwllheli had become boroughs before the conquest to facilitate
their mercantile interests and, in the mid-fourteenth century, both
were enfranchised as free boroughs.
During the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries freeholders were devising
ways in which they might accumulate land in the property market without
breaching the Welsh law regarding the alienation of patrimonial land
and, at the same time, sought to acquire leases in bond land. After
the dissolution of religious houses, in the 1530s the opportunities
increased. John Wyn ap Hugh of Bodfel acquired Bardsey, by grant, for
example, in 1553.
During the sixteenth century, the acquisition of parcels of land through
purchase and other forms of transfer saw the beginning of the enclosure
of groups of individual quillets within clawdd banks and the process
of consolidation which, in the course of time, would create the landscape
of fields which are a familiar part of the present landscape.
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The
rise of the gentry
Professor Jones Pierce considered that the origins of gentry estates
lay in one or other of four categories of free landholding. To paraphrase,
these were: hereditary kinship patrimonies; land granted for services
rendered; land acquired through one or other form of purchase and estates
created by incomers. In many cases these categories inevitably merge.
On Llyn the origins of those exceptionally large landed interests which
dominate the landscape of the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries can
be seen to lie in the opportunities for securing leases in Crown lands
and in devising mechanisms for exchange and purchase, more easily effected
after 1536, and in the judicious alliances of marriage.
The principal families and their estates in the sixteenth century were
the Bodfel family, Castellmarch, Bodwrdda, the Griffiths of Cefnamwlch,
Madryn and Llwyndyrus. John Bodfel is noticed during the reign of Henry
VIII when Leland refers to John fab Madoc who ‘dwellith yn Lleene’ at
Bodfel, one of the few houses in Caernarfonshire to be named in his
itinerary. John’s grandson, John Wyn ap Hugh distinguished himself
considerably as standard bearer for John Dudley, Earl of Warwick, at
Mousehold Hill, Norwich, in 1549. Gruffydd ap John of Castellmarch
also served under the Earl of Warwick and was constable of Conwy Castle
in 1549. In recognition of his service John Bodfel was granted Bardsey
Island and Cwrt on the mainland.
Following the Act of Union in 1536, newly
created Justices of the Peace of ‘good name and fame’ undertook
the main responsibility for law and order and underpinned local
government. These justices were drawn from the greater gentry.
During the sixteenth century:
Bodwrdda: Justice of the Peace twice; High Sheriff once
Cefnamwlch Justice of the Peace three times
Llwyndyrus: Justice of the Peace three times; High Sheriff once
Madryn: Justice of the Peace five times; High Sheriff once
Bodfel: High Sheriff four times
Castellmarch: High Sheriff once
High Sheriff or not, John Wynn ap Hugh Bodfel was accused in Star Chamber
Proceedings as ‘the chief captain of the pirates of Ynys Enlli’.
It was said that he used the island as a place for storing booty
and had installed a factor there. The goods, it was said, were carried
off to Chester to be sold in fairs and markets. John’s son
Hugh Gwyn was the first to take Bodfel as a surname, a practice becoming
common during this period using a static place name rather than a
patronymic. Hugh married the heiress of Pistyll, bringing those lands
into the orbit of Bodfel. Hugh, however, fell out of favour with
Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, over issues regarding Dudley’s
office as Ranger of the Forest of Snowdon and spent some time in
the Tower, along with Thomas Madryn, High Sheriff in 1586-7.
During the seventeenth century much the same families remained prominent
in the political, social and landholding landscape but the balance
of power was changing and the net was thrown a little wider. The Civil
War, mid-century, had a greater effect on some estates than on others:
During the seventeenth century:
- Bodwrdda: Justice of the Peace three times; High Sheriff
three times
- Cefnamwlch: Justice of the Peace three times; High Sheriff
three times
- Castellmarch: Justice of the Peace three times; High Sheriff
twice
- Madryn: Justice of the Peace once; High Sheriff seven
times
- Bodfel: Justice of the Peace three times; High Sheriff
three times
- Elernion: High Sheriff three times
- Cefn Llanfair: Justice of the Peace twice; High Sheriff
twice
- Meillionydd: High Sheriff twice
- Nanhoron: High Sheriff once
- Saethon: High Sheriff once
Hugh Gwyn Bodfel’s brother, Thomas Wynn, lived at Boduan, adjacent,
on land of the former bond township and demesne land of the Prince before
the conquest. Hugh’s great grandson John initially supported the
Puritan argument in Parliament at the beginning of the war and had married
Ann Russell daughter of Sir William Russell, of a strong Puritan family.
By 1843, however, John Bodfel had come out on the Royalist side and ended
the war with the rank of colonel. The conflict of sympathies within the
Bodfel household resulted in estrangement and Ann arranged a marriage
of their daughter to Robert Robartes, Viscount Bodmin in 1657. A generation
later the surviving heir of Plas Bodfel disposed of his Welsh estates
around the end of the seventeenth century.
The Boduan branch of the family, however, developed a significant presence
in the shadow of Garn Boduan and in the town of Nefyn. Around 1700, Thomas
Wynn of Boduan, great-great-great-grandson of John Wynn ap Hugh Bodfel
married Frances, daughter and heiress of John Glynne of Glynllivon. Frances’ grandson,
Sir Thomas Wynn, was created 1st Baron Newborough (born 1736, died 1807)
and Boduan lands passed into the orbit of Glynllivon.
In 1625, Sir William Jones (constructing a surname from the patronymic
of his father, William ap Griffiths ap John), Chief Justice of the King’s
Bench, laid the foundation stone for his new modern mansion at Castellmarch.
His son, Griffith Jones, by sentiment a Royalist, took the Puritan side
in the Civil War and paid for it when Capt. John Bartlett made a daring
seaborne raid on the house, plundered it and kidnapped Griffith Jones
in an attempt to secure the release of Sir John Owen in the aftermath
of the second war (Dodd, 1968, 134).
Cefnamwlch claimed descent through several generations, from Rhys ap
Tewdwr in the eleventh century, the Lord Rhys of Deheubarth in the twelfth
and Madog and Trahaearn Goch, Lords of Cymydmaen in the thirteenth century.
David Fychan is recorded at Cefnamwlch in the fifteenth century and his
wife Jonet was a daughter of Castellmarch. Several marriages made alliances
with families of equal note, including Clenennau, Mostyn and Baron Hill.
John Griffith was High Sheriff in 1604 and his son John successfully
challenged the political supremacy of the Wynns of Gwydir. A later John
Griffith of Cefnamwlch died in 1794 and the house passed to his cousin
Jane Wynne of Voclas and her husband Charles Finch. Their son Charles
Wynne Griffith-Wynne (1780-1865) was succeeded by Charles Wynne Finch
who built the present house at Voelas.
The Madryn dynasty did not outlive the Civil War for very long. Thomas
Madryn, another Royalist sympathiser who took the Parliamentary side,
nevertheless, kept cases of pistols secreted in his home after the conclusion
of hostilities. His second son succeeded to the estate and sold it to
the solicitor, Owen Hughes of Beaumaris at the end of the seventeenth
century.
There was no doubt about Geoffrey Parry of Rhyddolion’s sympathies.
He was a contemporary of Thomas Madryn and a devout Puritan. Parry’s
marriage to Margaret Hughes brought with her the inheritance of Cefn
Llanfair and Wern Fawr, on the edge of Cors Geirch. Their son was named
Love-God Parry and his son, Love Parry. The second Love Parry married
Sidney, the great-granddaughter of Jane, the sister of Owen Hughes of
Beaumaris, in the mid-eighteenth century. Sidney inherited, bringing
Madryn together with Love Parry’s interests in Cefn Llanfair, Wern
Fawr and Rhydolion. Their daughter married her first cousin, Thomas Parry
Jones in 1780. Thomas added Parry to his surname in recognition of his
wife’s family and the consolidated estate. It was Thomas Parry
Jones Parry who initiated a number of improvements and brought new life
to Madryn at the turn of the century.
The Nanhoron family had claims to an equally long pedigree. The marriage
alliances of this dynasty included Glynllivon and Pennarth in the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries. During the later part of the fifteenth century
Madog Fychan of Llwyndyrus, great-great-grandson of Gruffydd Llwyd of
Tregarnedd, married Gwenllian, sister of William ap Griffith, who fought
with Henry Tudor at Bosworth, and granddaughter of Robin of Cochwillan.
Their daughter married into the Coetmor family and their son Gruffydd
had Nanhoron Ucha. This became the nucleus of the estate. Their son Thomas
inherited both Llwyndyrus and Nanhoron. Richard Edwards, born in 1628,
was the first of the family to use the new style of surname, after his
father, Edward ap Thomas. Richard Edwards was a Puritan and a very successful
lawyer. At the Restoration Edwards came under suspicion but was too useful
for those suspicions to be pursued too strenuously.
In 1780 Captain Timothy Edward died on a return voyage from the West
Indies, having fought in Rodney’s fleet in the American War of
Independence. His son married Annabella Lloyd of Hirdrefaig and Bronheulog
and Lloyd entered the family surname. Another tragedy hit the family
in 1855 when Captain Richard Lloyd Edwards was killed before Sebastopol
in the Crimean War. Inkerman Bridge over the Nanhoron Gorge and Balaclava
Road are reminders of the context.
During the first half of the nineteenth century four major landlords,
together, held fifty percent of the landmass of the Llyn peninsula. In
1840 these estates included Richard Lloyd Edwards’ Nanhoron, comprising
6500 acres, chiefly in Aberdaron and Llangian but with significant interests
in Rhiw, Llaniestyn, Llannor and Llangwnadl and six other parishes. Charles
Wynne Griffith-Wynne of Cefnamwlch and Voelas held 5500 acres in Llyn,
mostly in Tudweiliog, Penllech, Llaniestyn and Meyllteyrn, the parishes
which encompass Cefnamwlch, and the adjacent Edern and Llandudwen. Sir
Love Parry Jones Parry’s Madryn estate owned 5000 acres over the
central and south-eastern parishes of the peninsula, focused on Llandudwyn,
Ceidio, Llanfihangel Bachellaeth, Llanbedrog and six other parishes.
Lord Newborough’s Llyn estate, 7500 acres in total, was centred
on 2288 acres in Boduan with extensive holdings in Abererch, Penllech,
Bryncroes, Nefyn, Llannor and eight other parishes. In addition, Thomas
Assheton Smith’s Vaynol estate, Douglas Pennant’s Penrhyn
and Edward Lloyd Mostyn’s holdings were also considerable in Llyn.
The impact on the landscape was considerable, particularly so during
the late eighteenth century and the nineteenth century when the impetus
behind improvement was driven by these gentlemen farmers. They could
control or encourage cropping regimes, the state of agricultural buildings,
the size of fields and the character and state of walls and banks, plantations
and windbreaks. The character, style and layout of the estate desmesnes
were also in their hands. Many of these families had ancient backgrounds.
At Cefnamwlch there once stood a first floor hall with oriel window,
of fifteenth/sixteenth-century date. At Bodwrdda the earliest surviving
detail is, probably, the nucleus of a first floor hall with arch-braced
collar-beam trusses of sixteenth-century date. During the early decades
of the seventeenth century, these older houses were modified and enlarged
or just swept aside to give way for new, modern Renaissance styling.
Bodwrdda was built on the core of the earlier house on two storeys and
an attic with massive brick wings perpendicular to the main house and
provided with symmetrical fenestration of mullioned, ovolo-moulded windows.
Castellmarch was built in 1625-1628, another mansion with symmetrical
stone-mullioned windows, ovolo-moulded, and a classical porch with entablature
and pediment supported by Doric columns. The metropes and the pediment
carry armorials. Cefnamwlch was provided with a gatehouse in 1607, aligned
towards the old house, and a complex, contemporary with the gatehouse,
was built to the south before the old house was taken down. The house
at Madryn was replaced by a neo-Gothic ‘castle’ but the gatehouse
survived as a reminder of another ambitious construction of the early
seventeenth century. Bodfel went a stage further, creating a three storey
and attic, cruciform gatehouse, with a classical arched entrance flanked
by detached Doric columns with the first floor delineated by an entablature ‘returning’ against
the façade at the height of the column abaci. The present eighteenth/nineteenth-century
windows are likely to have replaced original stone-mullioned openings.
At the more local and private level the building
works referred to, on the estate demesne and their associated
planting and ornamental gardens, created a certain specific character
within the wider agricultural landscape.
Back to Llyn Landscape map
Domestic
Buildings
The earliest surviving buildings in the Llyn landscape are hut circles
of the late Bronze Age and early Iron Age. Not all these huts would have
been houses, some may have been workshops and others, perhaps, unroofed
and used to pen small animals, such as pigs. Archaeological excavation
would be required to make the differentiation, and not always successfully.
The distribution of these round houses or hut circles is inevitably biased
by the context of their survival and the materials of their construction.
The greatest density of these huts occur in the area between Yr Eifl
and Garn Boduan; on the flanks of Carn Fadryn and Carn Saethon and on
the south-eastern slopes of Mynydd Rhiw. They might be clustered together,
nucleated and often enclosed within a ‘farm yard’ or dispersed,
standing alone. They are stone-built and occupy areas of less intensive
agriculture which has contributed to their survival. Cropmarks and parch-marks,
identified through aerial survey under favourable conditions, have shown
that settlements of this period are likely to have been significantly
more numerous in the arable lowlands than their absence of visibility
above ground has allowed.
Certain of the stone-walled houses are quite large, 8 m in diameter,
as may be seen in an early phase of occupation at Tre’r Ceiri.
The houses at Garn Boduan are equally spacious. On the evidence of settlements
outside Llyn there would seem to have been a diminution of scale towards
the end of the first millennium BC and the Roman centuries. At Tre’r
Ceiri the earlier, larger houses were compartmentalised by the addition
of party walls. The date of this activity is not clear. It may be late
and the haphazard cellular arrangement might represent temporary accommodation,
perhaps in the context of summer hafodydd.
The evidence for early Medieval and Medieval houses is very scarce. Giraldus’ commentary
on the late twelfth-century habitations of the Welsh, however, cannot
be taken at face value: ‘They content themselves with wattled huts
on the edges of the forest, put up with little labour or expenses, but
strong enough to last a year or so …. Most of their land is used
for pasture. They cultivate very little of it sowing a plot here and
there’.
The evidence on Llyn, at least, is of extensive arable cultivation. The
houses referred to would be more appropriate to encroachments on the
boundaries of upland or uncultivated grazing or oftemporary structures
associated with the management of cattle and dairying on the hafodydd
or friddoedd, the summer pasture lands. Rather more substantial houses
might be expected at the nucleus of townships. At a higher level of status,
structures of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries have been excavated
at Trefadog and Rhosyr on Anglesey, both measuring, internally, 5.5m
wide and 10.5m to 11m in length. These have low stone walls with slightly
curved external corners and were probably thatched. The doors were in
the long side, with opposed entrances at Rhosyr and both had open hearths.
The foundations of a group of four agricultural buildings of a similar
period were excavated at Graeanog Farm, near Clynnog, the largest of
which measured 10.5m by 4.75m internally. The footings comprised a low
wall of local boulders. Royal halls are recorded at Nefyn and Neigwl,
at least by the thirteenth century, and there would be a hall at Pwllheli
too. These would be even more substantial structures, probably timber
built on stone footings as it is recorded that several lengths of timber
were removed form the maerdref at Aberfraw, on Anglesey, for works at
Caernarfon castle, after the conquest; and the hall of Ystumgwern was
removed bodily and re-assembled within the castle at Harlech.
Following the conquest, the pattern of landholding was inevitably going
to change. Bond lands were leased at fee-farm to royal favourites and
Crown petitioners. Freeholders devised methods of property transactions
during the fifteenth century which allowed them to begin to develop consolidated
estates without breaking Welsh land law. At the same time prominent local
Welshmen began to acquire such leases, the more so during the sixteenth
century and especially after the suppression of monastic houses. John
Wyn ap Hugh of Bodvel was granted Bardsey in 1553. Many of the up and
coming gentry families had ancient lineages with houses commensurate
with that status. John ap Madog, grandfather of John Wyn was named by
Leland in c.1536, as living in Llyn at Bodvel. This premises was replaced
in the first half of the seventeenth century. At Cefnamwlch there was
a first floor hall of the sixteenth century, with an oriel window, pulled
down in the early nineteenth century, replaced by building works which
were initiated in the early seventeenth century. Bodwrdda, near Aberdaron,
was also a first floor hall in the sixteenth century, enlarged in the
early seventeenth century. A part of the old house was retained in the
core of the new works and small pointed windows of the sixteenth century
and arch-braced collar beam trusses have survived in the west part of
the main range.
Wern Fawr is a late sixteenth-century house of irregularly coursed rubble
on two storeys which has retained its four-centred-head door with drip
mould above. There is a plain, corresponding door in the opposite wall.
The moulding on the arch and jambs has been described as a wave moulding
but more closely resembles a broad ovolo which would fit in with the
cavetto moulding on the eaves. The tall diagonally-set chimney stack,
contained within the thickness of the north gable would also fit within
a late sixteenth-century context. There is a second stack on the south
gable which was largely rebuilt in the eighteenth century. The windows
on the front elevation are tall and symmetrically disposed, notwithstanding
the loss of three blocked windows on the first floor, and are probably
of the eighteenth century. It has been suggested that there were dormers
in the roof in the eighteenth century. The twelve-over-twelve pane sashes
have been replaced since the RCAHMW photographed the house in the 1960s.
Llwyndyrys is an early seventeenth-century house on two storeys, possibly
replacing a sixteenth-century precursor on the basis of surviving carpentry
work within the house. The house is of random rubble with chimney stacks
set square at each gable end. The stack on the north gable projects from
the wall; that at the south end is contained within the thickness of
the wall. It is thought that the building was, at one time, partitioned
for two families’ use.
Llwyndyrys
These buildings are substantial and are a development and modification
of the hall house tradition. During the first half of the seventeenth
century, however, the pretensions of the prominent gentry became more
clearly visible in the architecture of their houses. Bodwrdda, already
referred to, was re-developed on a grand scale in the early 1600s. The
original two-storey hall was extended and provided with two massive wings,
projecting perpendicular to the main range, at either end. The main range
is random rubble but the wings are of brick, the earliest use of brick
on this scale on the peninsula. The quoins are stone, alternately laid.
The fenestration is symmetrical and windows identical in style in each
section of the façade. The wing facades have stone mullioned windows
in three lights with depressed arched heads and ovolo moulding on mullions,
heads and jambs, with horizontal drip moulds and labels. The main range
façade has similar windows of two lights.
During the first decade of the seventeenth century Cefnamwlch embarked
on a new building programme which involved a gatehouse aligned on the
old hall at some distance removed and a series of building works in a
courtyard arrangement on the south side. Madryn, too, was modernising
in a programme which also involved a gatehouse access to the core and
replaced by a neo-Gothic ‘castle’ by T P Jones Parry at the
turn of the eighteenth/nineteenth centuries. The early seventeenth-century
gatehouse at Madryn was built in two storeys. The windows disposed either
side of the voussoired arch of the gateway are stone-mullioned in three
lights, with squared heads and ovolo moulding. Drip moulds run horizontally
above the windows with no labels.
Sir William Jones laid the foundation stone of a new building at Castellmarch
in 1625. The house was built of random rubble on two storeys and an
attic. The ground plan of the new mansion is, unusually, asymmetric,
with a door towards the north end of the north-south range and a single,
but massive, wing springing, perpendicular, from the southern end.
The windows are symmetrically and vertically disposed on the main range
and doubled to maintain the same height but greater width on the gable
of the wing. All the windows are stone mullioned and transomed with
horizontal drip moulds and labels - four lights on the main range façade
and eight lights on the wing gable. An exception is the gable attic
window which is of three lights. There is a projecting chimney stack
on the rear of the house and on the south wall of the wing. Of particular
importance is the porch which fronts the false four-centred door. Two
Doric columns support a entablature and pediment. The entablature is
capped by a cyma-profiled moulding and the face of the entablature
carries an echo of triglyphs with armorials in the metopes.
Bodfel
At Bodvel, the concept of the gatehouse was taken one step further without,
unfortunately, bringing the project to completion with the intended construction
of an associated mansion house. The Bodfel gatehouse, which survives,
is built on three storeys and at attic. The plan is cruciform with access
through the gatehouse from south-west to north-east sides. The building
was extended at the rear and to the left of the façade for use
as a dwelling house and the arched gateway is now blocked by a door and
partition. The original design, which is still visible, is based on a
Renaissance theme which in turn derives from the Roman triumphal arch
and the more restrained arches of the Coliseum. A rounded-arch entrance
is flanked by two detached Doric columns with returning entablature defining
the first floor level. The present windows are Georgian, replacing stone,
ovolo-moulded windows of which one survived on the north-east side.
Many of these houses of important families remodelled or modernised their
homes during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, if only to revamp
the fenestration, as at Wern Fawr, Plas Gwyn and Bodfel for example.
Some, such as Plas yn Rhiw, raised the height of the eaves to allow the
head room and proportions which would accommodate Georgian symmetry.
Verandahs were frequently added at ground floor level as at Plas yn Rhiw,
Cefnamwlch and Nanhoron, where cast iron supports were applied. At Nanhoron
the house of 1677, built by Richard Edwards was superseded by a new build
on an adjacent site, around 1800.
The later years of the eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth
century was a period of great improvement in the agricultural landscape.
It may not, however, have seemed so to the several small-holding tenant
farmers and agricultural labourers of the last years of the eighteenth
century. In Walter Davies’ opinion, ‘a greater part of … Caernarvon
is disgraced with a species of cottages which are truly the habitations
of wretchedness; … one smoky hearth, for it should not be styled
a kitchen; one damp litter-cell for it cannot be called a bedroom … frequently
all the space allotted to a labourer, his wife and four or five children’ (Davies,
1810, 82).
John Evans, in 1798, would come to the same conclusion: ‘The cottages
of Caernarvon appeared worse than those of Meirioneth …. Here turf
or clay with chopped rushes supplies the place of stone. Except towards
the mountains; where they are constructed of pebbles placed upon each
other. The form is generally oblong, the length very considerable compared
with breadth and height. The walls are about six feet high … poles,
not even stripped of their bark for rafters and pegged at top and bottom ….
Over these are placed heath or rushes, kept down by ropes … netwise.
Openings in the wall, filled with a lattice of sticks and a hurdle for
a door permitted light or, otherwise, provided protection from the weather.
The fuel on the fire was peat from a nearby moor; the chimney, aperture
in the roof’ (John Evans, 1804, 161-2).
Pennant, a generation earlier, in 1773, made the same observation that
the ‘houses of the common people were very mean, made with clay,
thatched and destitute of chimnies’ (Pennant, ed. Rhys 1883, 374).
Evans did make a distinction of assigning a superior style of accommodation
to tenant farmers, with a bedroom or two upstairs, but even so, ‘pigs,
asses and other domestic animals take up their abode and form part of
the family’ (Evans, 1804, 161).
Farmhouse, Rhoshirwaun
The descriptions quoted strike a resonance in the detailed records of
a survey taken across the Vaynol estate holdings in Llyn, particularly
in the parishes of Llanengan and Llangian. There were sixty-seven tenancies
in these two parishes, some jointly run in partnerships, some shared
with family members. Straw thatch was ubiquitous. Seventeen tenements
had one or more mudwall or sod houses on their farms. For example, on
one of the Tyddyn Talgoch holdings at Marchros, there stood a dwelling
house and barn under the same thatched roof and, opposite, a range of
mud wall buildings comprising a dwelling house occupied by a brother,
who was a weaver, and a stable, cow-house and outhouse. At Melin Isaf
the mill house was built of stones, with straw thatch, but the miller’s
house was mudwall under the same roof as the mill, and thatched, with
a small stable and cow house. The drying kiln was also mudwall. At Castellmarch
two cottages were built on the sandbanks, for labourers to keep the sheep
from Llanbedrog of the land. One of these was mudwall and thatch. At
Tyddyn y Pricciau, Cilan, a dwelling house, cow house and stable stood
under the same roof. The house was stone built but the roof was thatched.
The son of the family had a stone-walled house, barn and cow house on
the premises, all thatched and a small mudwall cow house adjacent. Another
tenant also on the same premises occupied a house, under the same roof
as a barn, stable and cow house, all straw-thatched and built of part
stone and part mudwall. A cottage on the same holding stood near the
mountain wall.
At Llawr y Dref, on the Neigwl plain stood a good dwelling house of stone
walls, slated roof and a good loft. Nevertheless, several of the outbuildings
had been constructed part in stone and part in mudwall and almost all
the buildings, except the dwelling house itself, were thatched.
Farmhouses and cottages of this period, the late eighteenth and early
nineteenth centuries, have survived. Some relatively substantial smallholding
farmhouses are built in stone on two storeys or one and a half storeys
to include an attic, with agricultural buildings attached, in-line. Good
examples may be found in Uwchmynydd and at Anelog; at the centre of Abererch,
where twentieth-century houses have now clustered around the former farmhouse,
Ty Gwyn, and at Llanbedrog where a two-storey house and smaller agricultural
building, in-line, has become part of the accumulation of buildings in
the upper part of the village along Ffordd Pedrog.
Farmhouse, Abererch
Surviving single-storey cottages or cottages with crogloffts may be found
throughout the peninsula but the greatest concentration is in the southern
part and in particular in Uwchmynydd, Anelog, Rhiw, Llanengan and Llanbedrog
and in and around the Parliamentary Inclosure areas of Rhoshirwaun and
Mynytho. Most are stone built of random rubble on the evidence of exposed
walls, although very many have external treatments of render or pebbledash.
Some are regular coursed, squared rubble as, for example, the roadside
smithy at Efail Botwnnog. Roofs are all slated, with the exception of
the occasional corrugated iron roof. It is clear from first-hand descriptions,
however, and from details of chimney dripstones, and, less obviously,
roof pitch, that many were originally thatched and continued to be so
into the nineteenth century despite the lamentations of improving observers.
Mudwall cottages can still be found in Llyn, often in a ruinous state,
but others still in use. There may be many more, hidden behind cement-and-sand
rendering.
During the first half of the nineteenth century some solid and sizeable
premises were being built in the villages and towns of Llyn. The development
of the Four Crosses Inn with its stable yard and associated houses is
one example. Commercial premises at Lon Penbryn, Llanbedrog, and two-storey
houses adjacent on Ffordd Pedrog are another. Terraced properties on
the north side of the church at Abererch and terraced rows of two-storey
houses of coursed squared rubble on the east side of the village are
other examples.
During the second half of the nineteenth century certain areas of the
peninsula experienced an industrial boom, in particular mineral mining
in Llanengan, Llangian, Rhiw and Llanfaerhys; and granite quarrying in
Llanbedrog, Llanaelhaearn and Pistyll. In Llanbedrog the eighteen houses
of Madryn terrace were largely occupied by quarrymen and their families.
The houses are solid two-storey buildings of random rubble with large
stone block lintels, slate roofs and brick chimney stacks, some with
the added detail of contrasting colours of brick in the stacks. Most
of the frontages have been treated with render or pebbledash and most
of the original Victorian windows and door have been replaced. At Abersoch,
Bay View Terrace, ten two-storey houses were almost exclusively occupied
by lead miners and their families.
Llithfaen
At Llithfaen, in the shadow of Yr Eifl, similar stone-built terraces
were constructed in consequence of the quarries at Nant Gwrtheyrn and
other quarries in that area. The houses are two-storey of random rubble
with rubble stacks. At Pistyll a terrace of fourteen two-storey houses
were built along the road from Llithfaen to Nefyn, adjacent to the tramway
incline from Moel Ty Gwyn quarry to a pier on the shore. The building
materials are obscured by pebbledash. Most, if not all, the openings
have been replaced and the attic spaces are now lit by skylights.
The turn of the century and through the twentieth century has inspired
an eclectic range of buildings. Plas Glyn y Weddw, built in 1856 by the
architect Henry Kennedy in Victorian Gothic style, for the dowager Lady
Elizabeth Love Jones Parry of Madryn, is possibly one of the most important
individual buildings of the second half of the nineteenth century in
Llyn.
In 1896, the entrepreneur and developer, Solomon Andrews acquired the
house as a function and exhibition centre for visitors and local people
at a time when tourism was just about to change the face of certain areas
of the peninsula. Solomon Andrews developed the West End of Pwllheli
with a complex of holiday accommodation and facilities. During the course
of the century, villa-style properties emerged on the road west out of
Pwllheli and colonised the area to the north-west of Nefyn, between the
town and the sea and a little to the west at Morfa Nefyn. At Abersoch,
significant early twentieth-century houses on the Bennar headland include
the neo-Georgian Garth and Haulfryn, both listed buildings.
Back to Llyn Landscape map
Religion
and its influence on the landscape
The earliest evidence of religious experience in the Llyn landscape must
be sought in the monuments of the Neolithic period and Early Bronze Age.
There are around fifteen standing stones in the study area. There is
a cluster near the banks of the river Erch, two stones, 180 m apart at
Pen Prys, Llannor and a dispersed distribution extending to the south-western
tip of the peninsula. It is impossible to determine the function of these
stones. Some may be outliers or signposts to more extensive complexes
of ritual activity, no longer visible. Others may be associated with
burial. Most are an evocative expression of historical depth in the landscape.
There are no certain stone circles or circular embanked ‘henge
monuments’ in the area, although it has been suggested that a circular
ditched enclosure, discovered from the air as a cropmark and confirmed
by geophysical survey, at Cwmistir between Edern and Tudweiliog, might
be an early prehistoric ritual enclosure.
Sarn Meyllyeyrn
There are ten chambered tombs of the Neolithic period which have been
recorded in the landscape area, although not all have survived. There
is a tomb at Cromlech Farm, Four Crosses, again near the Erch and at
Pont Pensarn, close to the confluence of rivers which come together at
the Pool, Pwllheli. There are tombs on the Cilan headland and, importantly,
on the eastern slopes of Mynydd Rhiw, below the important source of fine
grained rock used in the manufacture of Neolithic axe-making. Although
places where burials were made, and described as tombs, these monuments
are best considered as focal points of religious expression where death
was recognised as part of the life cycle, an important consideration
for agriculturalists. The burials of later centuries are closed monuments
and more obviously graves.
The earliest Christian churches on the Llyn peninsula are very difficult
to identify and difficult to interpret, as is the case with many aspects
of the Early Middle Ages, in the absence of direct evidence. The character
of early churches and their organisation may, in many cases, be described
as quasi-monastic or ‘clas’ churches. They were not yet part
of a parochial system but were operated on community lines. The clas
(a later term) describes a very wide range and type of church from the
important and influential communities of Aberdaron and Clynnog Fawr and
its offshoots within Llyn, to small churches run by a local community
with no other influence or interest outside its township boundaries.
As an example, a clas church could come into existence if the freeholding
head of a kindred, with the consent of its heirs and the sanction of
the king or lord, transferred its rights in the land of the community
to the benefit of a church, by making it and maintaining it. The customary
rents and dues owed to the king or lord would then be transferred to
the maintenance of the church. One of the community would have to be
a priest and the head of the family, cleric or not, would be styled ‘Abbot’.
Another scenario might involve the king or lord granting land for the
construction and maintenance of a church and, perhaps, the installation
of a younger member of the family or relative to hold that church. In
either case, the church, and its community, would be freed from royal
taxes. Certain appurtenances and rights accrued. The community, the claswyr
(the ‘monks’), had a vested and inheritable interest in the
landed endowments of the church, the abadaeth. An area of sanctuary (the
noddfa) extended from the church and provided protection for those who
required it. In one documented instance, in 1114, Gruffydd ap Rhys ap
Twedwr of Deheubarth, pursued by Gruffudd ap Cynan’s men, took
sanctuary in the church of Aberdaron. Gruffudd’s men were sent
to drag him out but Aberdaron stood firm and ‘did not allow the
sanctuary of the church to be violated’ (Brut y Tywysogion, Peniarth
MS, 20 sa.1112).
Two important sixth-century memorial stones, found at Anelog, near Aberdaron,
bear inscriptions which identify ‘Senacus, the priest, who lies
here with a multitude of his brethren’; and ‘Veracius, the
priest, here he lies’. The inscriptions use Roman capitals with
serifs, ligatures and contraction marks in the style of grave markers
to be found in many towns of the late Roman Western Provinces, indicating,
at least, a familiarity with certain aspects of contemporary continental
Christianity.
The early churches of Llyn were almost certainly of wooden construction.
The earliest surviving structural evidence of the use of stone is of
the twelfth century. Aberdaron, with its twelfth-century Romanesque arched
door, in three orders, is the best example, albeit much added-to and
altered over the centuries. Those churches where a clas association can
be identified have significant potential for there to have been an earlier
church in that location.
Aberdaron
During the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries there was a movement
of reform which considered the old clas churches to be in decay and outmoded
in respect of the continental orders which were making headway across
England and Wales. Many of the clas communities were encouraged or persuaded
to relinquish their rights in the abadaeth in favour of communities of
Augustinian canons. Augustinians were chosen because the flexibility
of their rule allowed them to undertake parochial responsibilities, as
did the priests among the claswyr. Other clas communities seemed almost
to melt away, leaving the church in the hand of a rector within a diocesan
structure. In practice, concessions were made both to the claswyr and
to the new occupants of the church. Again, Aberdaron provides the clearest
example on Llyn. The claswyr of Aberdaron retained their personal and
property rights, their bond tenants were enfranchised and additional
royal land on the mainland was granted by Dafydd ap Gruffydd, Lord of
Cymymaen.
A second and important example refers to a grant
of the church of Nefyn by Cadwaladr ap Gruffudd ap Cynan, in
the 1170s or thereabout, to the Augustinian abbey of Haughmond.
There are certain indications which suggest that the church was
originally a clas church, raising the possibility that the establishment
of Nefyn as a commotal maerdref had not occurred before the grant
to Haughmond.
Between the twelfth and early sixteenth centuries stone-built churches
became a very significant and visual component of the medieval landscape.
There were considerations of a tenurial nature to take account of too.
The township of Llannnor with its five dispersed hamlets was in the tenure
of St. Beuno, that is to say, Clynnog Fawr. Carnguwch had also come within
the orbit of Clynnog.
The Bishop of Bangor’s interests across
Gwynedd were extensive. In the cantref of Llyn the Bishop maintained
a manor house and demesne lands at Edern. He was also landlord
of the townships of Llaniestyn, Abererch, Llangwnnadl, Penrhos,
Llanbedrog and Edern itself.
Surviving twelfth century detail is clearly visible at Aberdaron and
also at Pistyll. The earliest visible masonry at Llannor is of the thirteenth
century, which encompasses the entire unicameral structure before the
addition of a fifteenth-century tower and modern porch and chapel. In
its time it must have been the largest church in Llyn. Llangian also
has thirteenth-century work at the west end with a very clear distinction
between that phase and a fifteenth-century extension. Similarly, Llaniestyn
has surviving thirteenth-century masonry at the west end which was extended
eastward in the late thirteenth century.
Perhaps the most expansive phase, however, centred on the year 1500.
Llaniestyn, Llanengan, Abererch and Aberdaron churches all built new
aisles adjacent to the previously extended structures and introduced
arcades of four-centred arches between for communication. Llangwnnadl,
on a much earlier structure, built two additional aisles, north and south
of the early nave in the 1520s and 1530s punctuated the walls with three,
four-centred, arches.
Llangwnnadl
The style in these late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century churches
is predominantly perpendicular, with the exception of Llaniestyn which
retains a version of an earlier, triple-lancet window, style at both
east gables. At this same period, similar styles of roofing were employed
using collar-beam, arch-braced, trusses, sometimes strengthened with
wind-braces and raking struts. Good examples, some repaired or restored,
may be seen at Llangian, Llanengan, Pistyll and Llangwnnadl.
Llandudwen is an interesting sixteenth- and seventeenth-century rebuild
on medieval foundations, incorporating square stone-mullioned windows
with ovolo moulding.
Fourteen of the twenty-eight parish churches in the study area have either
been demolished and left as ruins or rebuilt on the same site during
the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The church at Deneio, close
to the assumed llys of the maerdref of Afloegion has been reduced to
a stable ruin of low walls.
A new church was built on a new site in the centre of Pwllheli in the
nineteenth century and it was rebuilt again in 1887. St Peter ad Vincula
at Meyllteyrn was rebuilt on the same site but it, too, is now a ruin.
Many of the nineteenth-century churches which have replaced earlier ones
are solid Victorian conceptions of diverse medieval themes as, for example,
at Edern and Tudweiliog. Two unusual churches in this category are the
rusticated Romanesque church built to replace the St. Hywyn’s original
Romanesque at Aberdaron and St. Gwninin’s church at Llandygwnning.
The rise of religious Non-Conformism in the later eighteenth-century
was fuelled by eloquence and enthusiasm. Among those evangelists who
fired up the mass rallies was John Elias, a son of Abererch. The smaller
meetings which followed these rallies, held within individual communities,
required accommodation of some kind. Lofts and barns were let, or given
freely for the purpose. As the movement and momentum increased within
communities which had outgrown their rented rooms, steps were taken to
acquire more spacious and suitable buildings. One of the earliest chapels
to have been used,and which still survives, is Capel Newydd, Nanhoron.
Capel Newydd is barn-like and may very well have been a barn before its
use as a chapel. Acquiring land for a dissenters’ chapel was not
always easy and the gentry were not always well disposed to Non-Conformists.
However, the Puritan background of the Nanhoron family was a legacy which
endured. Captain Timothy Edwards of Nanhoron was a benefactor and his
wife, Catherine, joined the congregation after her husband’s death.
Capel Newydd (Independent) stood close to the edge of common land, and,
in 1782, a second chapel of Calvinistic Methodists was built within the
common at Nant, a short distance away.
Capel Newydd, Nanhoron
An Independent Chapel was built at Tudweiliog in the late 1820s a short
distance down the lane to Brynodol and not far from the parish church.
The style here is also very like a barn or agricultural building and
has a house for the minister, adjacent and in-line.
During the second quarter of the nineteenth century Non-Conformist chapels
were built more spaciously to accommodate larger congregations. In a
small village like Aberdaron there were three chapels, Independent, Calvinistic
Methodist and Wesleyan before 1890. Chapels, by this period, were designed
and the designs which found favour were predominantly classical. Victorian
Gothic designs were less popular but do occur. Capel Nebo, at Rhiw, for
example, rebuilt in 1876 has a restrained, but nevertheless Gothic facade
as does Capel Peniel at Ceidio, immediately adjacent to the restored
church there. Those churches with classical elements in their design
present recurring motifs, with some variation, and a generally standard
arrangement of openings, at least until the end of the century when chapels
grew larger still and the designs more adventurous. Common elements of
the second half of the nineteenth century include large half-round arches
springing from abaci upon tall pilasters occupying a good portion of
the gable façade. The arch frames two tall windows with rounded
heads, above which are set a kind of pseudo-hood mould. Two paired doors
with rounded heads stand outside the frame on either side of the facade.
This arrangement and others recur several times and are probably the
work of local architects. The round arched theme described above is replicated
precisely, for example at Capel Berea, Efail Newydd, in 1872, Bethania
at Pistyll in 1875, Bryn Mawr in 1877 and Salem, Sarn Meyllteyrn 1879.
Bethania, Pistyll
In respect of the larger chapels of the turn of the century, at Edern
in 1898 we see a tall porch, with pediment, projecting slightly from
the rectangular face of the body of the chapel, carry three round-headed
windows at the first floor gallery level and a round-headed door flanked
by windows on the ground floor, all within an arched recess. Two windows
up and two windows down flank each side of the porch. At Llithfaen, which
also has a gallery we find a variation on the same theme on a smaller
scale. Both chapels employ a style of classical rustication, or the semblance
of it, to imply a utilitarian function to otherwise impressive buildings.
Edern
Parliamentary
Inclosures
In the period between 1802 and 1861 several
thousand acres were enclosed on the Llyn peninsula between Llanaelhaern
and Porth Neigwl. The motivation behind enclosure was the improvement
and more profitable use of common land. There is no doubt that
improving landlords and landowners saw an opportunity for increased
agricultural efficiency in the process and that bringing more
land under the plough had the potential for alleviating the high
prices which obtained during the wars with France. Notwithstanding,
enclosure of common land had taken place for centuries. Inevitably
there would have been intakes from the common. Some would be
ancient, of long-forgotten memory, others, the majority, would
be recent encroachments. In certain areas and circumstances private
agreements were made at a local level, both informal and formal.
Nevertheless, it was and would always be an arrangement which
benefited the large landowner or local lord at the expense of
the smallholder.
Mynytho
During the early eighteenth century a Private Act of Parliament could
be a mechanism of enclosure if local agreements could not be reached.
Private Acts were, however, expensive and in 1801 the Inclosure Consolidation
Act was passed in Parliament with the intention of speeding and simplifying
the process by consolidating and standardising the main clauses of such
Acts. Further refinements were made through the General Inclosure Act
of 1836 and the Inclosure Act of 1845. It was only until the 1845 Act
that a degree of protection for the ordinary person was embedded in the
Act.
The process could take a long time to reach completion. In Llangian and
Llaniestyn, for example, the Act was drawn up in 1808 but not awarded
until 1825. In Aberdaron, Rhiw, Llanfaelrhys and Bryncroes, the award
was not made until 1861. Inclosure Commissioners needed to be appointed,
surveys taken, advertisements circulated, division of boundaries marked
on the ground, objections made and heard and roads and highways made
up to a satisfactory standard. At Mynytho several encroachments had been
made before the Inclosure Act was drawn up and awarded.
Gwylwyr
Cottages had been built and the prospect of dispossession loomed at Rhoshirwaun,
Nefyn and Pistyll. At Lithfaen riots ensued which resulted in death sentences
for the alleged ring-leaders, which were, however, later commuted. There
were others who had not encroached but who took peat from the turbaries,
for fuel and who would be significantly disadvantaged in the process.
In general some accommodation for ‘fuel grounds’ were made
in mitigation.
A correspondent of Walter Davies, writing about 1803, remarked:
‘I am no advocate for the enclosure of Rhos Hirwaun. Its poor inhabitants
support themselves by the fisheries on the coast without being burdensome to
the parishes, and are ready hands for the farmers in the labouring seasons. If
these are ejected.... where will they remove to. The old and infirm must remain
and live upon the scanty allowance of the parishes. By thus enclosing, the landed
proprietors will enlarge their bounds, but will not conduce to add a handful
of corn to their stock of provisions’ (Davies, 1810, 275).
The prospect of adding to the arable acreage never really materialised.
The lands in question, common grazing and peat turbaries, were intractable
rocky ground and would have been used long before had it not been so.
Nevertheless, the larger landowners in the parishes in question gained
additional land and, in some areas, pasture was improved. Roads were
driven across the newly enclosed areas, allotments were apportioned and
some sold to pay expenses. In Rhoshirwaun several new houses were built
after the enclosure of the common and the road improvements ensured that
the Rhoshirwaun route would become the main direction of travel south
to Aberdaron. Communications were improved locally and house building
contributed to the expansion of Llanbedrog.
Those lands within the present study area enclosed under the various
Inclosure Acts of Parliament are:
•Mynydd Mawr, Mynydd Bychestyn and Mynydd y Gwyddel
in Aberdaron parish
•Rhoshirwaun Common, in Aberdaron and Bryncroes parishes
•Mynydd Rhiw and Mynydd y Graig in Rhiw and Llanfaelrhys parishes
•Mynydd Cilan and Morfa Neigwl in Llanengan parish
•Mynydd Tirycwmwd, Mynytho and Carn Fadryn in Llanbedrog, Llangian and
Llaniestyn parishes
•Coastal land in Penrhos, Deneio and Abererch parishes
•Mynydd Nefyn
•Mynydd Carnguwch
•Bwlch Mawr in Llanaelhaearn and Pistyll parishes
Back to Llyn Landscape map
Communications,
towns and villages
Long distance communication within Llyn before
the end of the eighteenth century was difficult. The coastal
towns, Pwllheli and Nefyn, and coastal villages had access to
sea routes and harbours. Landings were numerous along the coastline
and safe anchorages were well known - at Porthdinllaen, Porth
Nefyn, Pwllheli, Porthorion Road off Mynydd Anelog, Aberdaron
Road, Ceiriad Road and St. Tudwal’s Road (where Captain
Bartlett swooped on Castellmarch to kidnap Griffith Jones in
1649).
Small boats were built all along the coast.
Gruffudd ap Cynan was provided with a boat by the claswyr of
Aberdaron in the late eleventh century. Boats with nets are recorded
at Nefyn and Pwllheli in the thirteenth century. Ships were later
built at Pwllheli, Nefyn, Aberdaron, Abersoch and Edern. Coastal
traffic mitigated the poor condition of landward routes, to some
extent, and ‘Bardsey boats’, could be seen at a number
of the small coastal harbours and they also plied a trade with
cities as far distant as Liverpool.
In 1750 there were few roads in Llyn capable of supporting a journey
of any distance, particularly in bad weather. Wheeled transport was impossible
on many routes. Wagons and carts were, of course, in use locally but,
in the words of Lord Clarendon in 1685, ‘never was, or can, come
a coach into that part of the country’. His experience was of north
Caernarvonshire but the situation in Llyn was no better. A visitor contemplating
travelling needed to be in good health to make a ‘Welsh Journey’ where
inns provided ‘as little accommodation as the untracked heaths
and narrow lanes’ (Eighteenth/nineteenth century, quoted by Dodd
1925, 122).
Cattle reared in Llyn, fattened in English pastures and sold in English
markets involved the movement of several thousand black cattle a year.
The drovers had their own routes, mostly off-road to spare the beasts’ feet.
But there were collecting points and fairs and markets in Llyn where
animals and drovers gathered and there were roadside smithies to shoe
the cattle for the long journey; Sarn, Botwnnog, Rhydyclafdy, Efail Newydd
and Y Ffor were such places. The distances and the routes travelled were
inevitably a conduit of communication.
Efail, Botwnnog
During the later eighteenth century a turnpike road was driven from Caernarfon
south to Clynnog, through Llanaelhaearn and on to Pwllheli. During the
first decade of the nineteenth century, further turnpike roads were proposed
and completed as part of the necessary infrastructure associated with
a scheme to develop a packet station at Porthdinllaen for the Dublin
run. A road to replace the ‘narrow, circuitous, incommodious’ provision
was built ‘wider and more direct’ between the Traeth Mawr
and Porthdinllaen with a junction near Boduan taking the road to Pwllheli.
These roads began to open up the peninsula.
Morfa Nefyn
The Inclosure Movement of the first quarter of the nineteenth century
was bitterly resented by many. One of the few improvements it brought
was an upgrading of communications. At Rhoshirwaun, the road south through
central Llyn must have been impassable during parts of the winter months.
The roads and tracks which crossed the wet moor were unfenced. Similarly,
between Pwllheli and Llanbedrog, the traveller would have to negotiate
the several channels and sand bars and marsh of Talycymerau, the estuaries
of three rivers which came together at the ‘Pool’ at Pwllheli.
At both locations land was enclosed, drained and reclaimed with a consequent
improvement in travel. Bridges, too, throughout the peninsula, but particularly
noticeable in the area of Llwyndyrus and Llannor, Cors Geirch and Neigwl,
built in the late eighteenth and early nineteen centuries, were a significant
component in the progress of communication.
Rhydlios, Rhoshirwaun
The railway came to Llyn in 1867, along the Aberystwyth and Welsh Coast
Railway via Barmouth and Criccieth and was absorbed by Cambrian Railways
in the same year. The line reached a terminus at Pwllheli in 1869. A
junction at Afon Wen, six miles to the east of Pwllheli, took a branch
line north along the Caernarvonshire Railway (later LNWR). The original
terminus at Pwllheli was at the eastern side of the harbour. Reclamation
along the north part of the harbour allowed the track to be extended
to the present position of the station at the west end of the Pool, in
1909. For a short period, between 1896 and 1927, a horse-drawn tramway
operated from the West End of Pwllheli to Llanbedrog, primarily geared
towards tourists wishing to visit Llanbedrog. The Afon Wen branch was
discontinued during the Beecham era in 1965.
During the late nineteenth and twentieth century, roads improved significantly.
During the second half of the twentieth in particular, roads improved
exponentially to cater for increasing volumes of traffic. The main routes,
however, remained largely the same. The A499 now follows the eighteenth-century
turnpike from Llanaelhaearn to Pwllheli and continues south to Llanbedrog
and Abersoch, reflecting the significant development of tourism in that
part of the peninsula. Madock’s turnpike from Pwllheli to Morfa
Nefyn is followed by the A497. The Chwilog to Morfa Nefyn turnpike, crossing
the Llanaelhaearn to Pwllheli road at Y Ffor (Four Crosses) is now the
B4345 and still an important cross-country route. The B4417 follows the
western coastline and the ancient pilgrim trail south as far as Llangwnnadl,
joining the B4413 at Penygroeslon. The B4413 is now the main route south
through central southern Llyn to Aberdaron, crossing the former wet moor
of Rhoshirwaun. There remains a preponderance of winding, often narrow,
unclassified roads across the entire peninsula.
Towns with commercial origins
There are two towns in the landscape area of
Nefyn and Pwllheli both have ancient origins being the locations
of the royal maerdrefi under the Princes in the respective commotes
of Dinllaen and Afloegion. This status in itself was not sufficient
for an urban centre to develop on the site but with considerable
potential for commerce at coastal locations with good harbours
both Nefyn and Pwllheli became boroughs before the conquest of
Gwynedd in 1283. Both were enfranchised as free boroughs in the
mid 14th century. Initially Nefyn was the more populous and profitable
but during the seventeenth century Pwllheli grew and by the late
eighteenth century the borough could be described as ‘the
best town in the county’. In addition to its fairs and
markets, Pwllheli built over 400 ships in its shipyards on the
shore of the Pool during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The arrival of the railway in 1869 facilitated a tourist boom
which began to grow from the 1890s.
Villages with ecclesiastical origins
The villages and communities of Llannor, Llaniestyn,
and Abererch show indications of having been quasi-monastic ‘clas’ communities
before the 13th century although, by the fourteenth, Llaniestyn
and Abererch had come under the tenure of the Bishop of Bangor.
In each case a nucleated village has developed around the church
as its focal point. Llaniestyn and Abererch retain eighteenth
and early nineteenth century buildings close to their churches
which lend significant character to the villages. Bryncroes and
Tudweiliog, both satellite churches of Bardsey, also have nucleated
villages which focus on their respective churches. Tudweiliog,
however, has reached its present extent and expansion by virtue
of association with the important route from Nefyn, south to
Aberdaron (B4417).
Abererch
Aberdaron is another example of a village which developed as a nucleation
around its important church, but the village remained small until the
mid- nineteenth century despite its potential for fishing, access to
the sea and a safe anchorage. The community of Aberdaron expanded in
the twentieth century along the two roads which converge on the bay to
comprise over 100 residential properties. Many of these properties are
modern, large bungalow-style, but the core of the village still retains
its coastal character and a number of nineteenth century buildings.
Llangian and Llanengan are villages which also
focus on their churches. Both are of considerable antiquity.
Llangian was a hamlet, that is to say, a nucleation of settlement
within the township of Llangian in the middle ages, but has not
grown much since. Llanengan’s, albeit limited, expansion
is to some extent a product of the influx of population when
the lead mines reopened in the second half of the nineteenth
century.
Industrial villages
The focus of Rhiw may once have been on the
slopes below the church and near to the site of Plas yn Rhiw.
The present dispersed village colonised the saddle between the
high ground of Mynydd Rhiw and Mynydd y Graig. Encroachments
had been made on the common land of the mountain in the seventeenth,
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries before an Act of Parliamentary
Inclosure was passed in 1811. Manganese mining below Clip y Gylfynhir
on Mynydd Rhiw encouraged the building of houses for industrial
workers which stood alongside traditional farms. The expansion
in population inevitably gave rise to the construction of chapels:
Nebo, on an allotment of the former common, and subsequently
Pisgah and Tan y Foel. Single storey cottages and croglofftydd
remain an important component of the building stock in the present
landscape, alongside later nineteenth century and more recent
housing.
The growth of Llanaelhaearn at the northern
limit of this landscape area derives from a combination of circumstances.
It is situated at the junction of the A499 to the south coast
and south-west along the B4417 to Nefyn and points south. The
church was the original focus of the village like many in Llyn.
The turnpike road to Pwllheli, engineered in the late eighteenth
century and, with later improvements, particularly in the twentieth
century, gave considerable impetus to the village’s development.
However, Llanaelhaearn supplied workmen for the main period of
production at the Trefor quarries in the late nineteenth century.
Llithfaen
Llithfaen and Pistyll are also villages along
the B4417. Pistyll is an ancient community with an important
mediaeval church on a coastal ledge overlooking the Irish Sea.
The present village of Pistyll, however, is a roadside hamlet
built in the mid- nineteenth century to provide accommodation
for workers at the Ty Gwyn quarries which had just come into
operation. Similarly, Llithfaen was, until the beginning of the
nineteenth century, a cluster of four farms bearing that same
name and almost certainly a residue of the mediaeval hamlet of
Llithfaen in the township of Trefgoed. Encroachments had already
been made on the common land of Bwlch Mawr, Yr Eifl. Parliamentary
Inclosure ensued, plots were let and a few houses were built
along the roadside. When the coastal granite quarries were opened
in the second half of the 19th century, Llithfaen grew considerably.
In 1890 there were 90 houses in the village, snaking along the
roadside, a hotel, three non-conformist chapels and an Anglican
church.
The largest of the granite quarries between
Yr Eifl and Nefyn was supported by the village of Trefor on the
coastal plain at the foot of Yr Eifl itself. Although it is possible
to identify the former presence of the components of the mediaeval
township of Elernion, Trefor was an entirely new village of tightly
nucleated terraced rows, three nonconformist chapels and a church
supported by the Welsh Granite Company for its labour force.
At the southern end of the peninsula the villages
of Bwlchtocyn and Marchros coalesced and grew out of the former
tenure of, once again, mediaeval hamlets, and in particular,
Tyddyn Talgoch. The impetus for growth at Marchros was lead mining
on Penrhyn Du, in the later 19th century, which brought a significant
influx of miners from outside the area, many from Devon and Cornwall.
In the present day Marchros has continued to expand as a holiday
destination and early nineteenth century cottages, substantial
Victorian houses and modern estates can be seen to be intermixed.
Roadside villages
Tudweiliog
Y Ffor (four crosses) and Morfa Nefyn owe their
emergence and development to good roads. Y Ffor grew at the junction
of the turnpike running south to Pwllheli from Llanaelhaearn
and the west-east route of William Madock’s turnpike from
Traeth Mawr to Porthdinllaen, where its crossed the old road
south just outside Nefyn.
Efail Newydd and Rhydyclafdy are also roadside
villages. Both lie on a west-east route, across country, from
Sarn and Botwnnog to Pwllheli, an old drovers route with facilities
at both villages for blacksmith work. Rhydyclafdy is at an important
stone-bridge crossing of the Cors Geirch fen. Efail Newydd crosses
the Pwllheli to Porthdinllaen branch of the early 19th century
Turnpike, now the A497 to Nefyn.
Sarn Meyllteyrn and Botwnnog, both have ecclesiastical origins as satellites
of Clynnog. The focus of the two villages, however, are some little distance
away from the churches themselves. The same is true at Edern, where the
Bishop of Bangor maintained a manor and demesne lands there. No doubt
each church provided an original focus but in more recent times settlement
gravitated towards the roads. At Sarn, a cluster of housing, a smithy,
public houses and a chapel grew at a junction of roads, at a crossing
of the Afon Soch.
At Botwnnog, the church, and the adjacent early
seventeenth century endowed school, did not provide a focus for
later development. Houses were built along the Sarn Road (B4413)
in the nineteenth century, close to the roadside smithy, Efail
Pont Y Gof. More recent housing now extends eastward on both
sides of the road.
At Edern there is a cluster of 19th century
buildings on the south side of the curvilinear churchyard, including
a National School, built in 1845, and a terrace of four, nineteenth
century, two-storey houses. The Rectory has now been replaced
by a hotel. The important seventeenth century farmhouse, Penybryn,
stands 350 m distant. The present focus of settlement, however,
is along the roadside, from Nefyn, south to Tudweiliog and on
to Aberdaron. This settlement extends south-westward from the
water corn mill on the Afon Geirch with a secondary nucleus at
a crossroads (Groesffordd), 300 m along the same road, dominated
by a late nineteenth century nonconformist chapel.
Settlement on enclosed common and speculative
villages
Mynytho is largely a product of an act for Parliamentary Inclosure passed
in 1808. Several encroachments had already been made, some ancient and
some right up to the Act. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the
former common had been transected by ruler-straight plots and paddocks
and tenements had been let. Around 100 houses were built across Mynytho.
New houses continued to be built but several early nineteenth century,
single storey, cottages, mostly of stone rubble and originally thatched,
survive.
Following the Parliamentary Inclosure at Rhoshirwaun,
enacted in 1802 and implemented in 1814, the moor was crossed
with ruler straight roads and plots and paddocks defined by low
clawdd banks, topped with hedges (and later with posts and wire).
Plots were let and small holdings were built. There are several
areas of dispersed settlement: Penygroeslon, where three roads
come together, Rhydlios, and Hebron to the west and north-west
of the Inclosure area and Rhoshirwaun at the southern boundary.
The presence of chapels is a good identifier of communities within
the dispersed distribution of settlement. These are areas where
early nineteenth century single storey and croglofft cottages
and smallholdings may be found in some numbers and where surviving
mudwall cottages may still be seen.
The original nucleus of Llanbedrog was near the coastline, close to the
church, in the shadow of the north side of Mynydd Tirycwmwd. In the early
nineteenth century T P Jones Parry of Madryn began to develop Pig Street
(later Ffordd Pedrog) on the higher ground above the shore at about the
same time the enclosure of Mynytho was mooted. The village grew slowly
but by the 1840s there were already thirty houses and two chapels. During
the second half of the century the population of the village increased
and a terrace of eighteen houses were built. Granite quarrying on the
headland of Mynydd Tirycwmwd was underway. The late nineteenth and early
twentieth century saw the beginnings of a tourist trade. Several components
of the development of Llanbedrog: single storey cottages, an in-line
farmhouse of the early nineteenth century, later nineteenth century terraced
houses and late Victorian residences, survive.
Tourist village
Abersoch comprised a small handful of premises
including the mill, Melin Soch, close to the estuary in the 1790s.
Some developments on the Bennar headland took place slowly through
the first half of the nineteenth century, expanding with the
influx of miners into the area and, their need for accommodation,
in the second half of the century. By the early twentieth century,
tourists began to arrive but it was not until the late 20th century
that the beach and good sailing water made Abersoch the tourist
attraction it is today.
Abersoch
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Industry
Mynydd Rhiw
In the 1950s shallow quarry hollows along the
ridge of Mynydd Rhiw, towards the north end, were identified
as the product of extraction of fine-grained baked shale rock
used in the production of tools, particularly axes, during the
Neolithic period. Further investigation in 2005 and 2006 defined
a more extensive area of exploitation for a length of 400m. Radiocarbon
determinations suggested that this activity was on-going during
the fourth and third millennia BC. This process of extraction
and manufacture could claim to be described as the earliest industrial
activity in Llyn.
Penrhyn Du
The presence of lead on the Penrhyn Du headland
has been known since at least the early eighteenth century. Lewis
Morris charted the waters of Ceiriad and St. Tudwal’s roads
between 1737 and 1748. He marked the position of the lead mine
and recorded the name of an inlet, adjacent, Porth y Plwm – the
Lead Harbour. He further recorded that there were veins of lead
and copper at Penrhyn Du. The lead mine had formerly worked to
good profit, but ‘now lies under water, … recoverable
with proper engines’.
The attempt was apparently made to drain the water using a Boulton and
Watt steam engine but ‘the expenses proved superior to the profits’ (Pennant,
1773, ed. John Rhys 1883, 368).
At Hen Dy, Tyddyn Talgoch, a tenement on the
Penrhyn Du headland, a surveyor of the Vaynol Estate commented
in 1800 that ‘the lands have suffered very much by the
Mine Company of Penrhyn Du who sank several shafts in it and
left them open, and the heaps of rubbish delved therefrom not
trimmed or levelled’. Hyde Hall, in 1810, observed that
mines had been operational some years ago but had not been cost
effective and had not been resumed. In 1839 a field in Hen Dy
still retained a memory of the earlier works as Cae Hen Chwimse
(chwimse = whimsy, a machine for raising water from the mine).
During the second half of the nineteenth century the lead mines were
in operation again. A Cornish engine and engine house was installed in
the 1860s and by the 1880s, 240 miners, dressers, washers and engine
drivers were at work in the mines across the headland from Llanengan
to Penrhyn Du. Many of these workmen had come to Penrhyn Du from other
regions. Half of the mining population came from Cornwall and Devon.
Mynydd Rhiw and Penarfynydd
Manganese was discovered at Mynydd Rhiw in
the 1820s. Prospecting led to an expansion of the operations
into Nant at Penarfynydd and Benallt below Clip y Gylfinhir.
During the nineteenth and early twentieth century activity and
production was intermittent. However, manganese was a strengthening
agent in steel and was much in demand during two world wars.
In the early years of mining, donkeys took the manganese to the
shore at Porth Cadlan. During the later phase of greatest demand
an aerial ropeway carried the ore above the village to the shore
at Porth Neigwl. Inclines were used at Nant.
Granite quarries between Trefor and Nefyn
Igneous intrusions which define the visual
character of the landscape between Trefor and Nefyn run in a
chain of peaks and hard rock outcrops from Yr Eifl to Garn Boduan.
Trefor
During the second half of the nineteenth century quarries were established
where granite was accesible. Some of these quarries were small, others
were much larger. A quarry was opened at Gwylwyr, north of Nefyn, in
1835; at Moel Ty Gwyn, Pistyll, around the middle of the century; Carreg
y Llam, Porth y Nant in 1860 and Yr Eifl at Trefor in 1880. Together
these and local quarries came together to form the Welsh Granite Company.
The main business in the early years was sett making, to surface the
roads of towns and cities. By the end of the nineteenth century the demand
for setts had evaporated and the quarries which remained in business
turned to crushed stone, as a component of tar macadam or as an aggregate
for concrete. The quarries worked the seaward faces in bonciau, banks
or horizontal ledges. There were ten or more bonciau at Trefor and six
at Porth y Nant. Inclined tramways took the product to the shore for
transportation. There was an intimate relationship between the quarries
and the villages of Trefor, Llithfaen and, on a smaller scale, Pistyll.
One hundred houses in a tight nucleation of terraced rows stood near
the quarry workshops at the foot of the incline at Trefor. Llithfaen
had been an agricultural settlement of four farms with a handful of encroachments
onto the common in the early years of the nineteenth century. By 1890
there were 90 houses, mostly associated with the quarry of Nant Gwrtheyrn.
Nant also had its own barracks, shop and bake house on site until its
closure in the 1950s.
Mynydd Tirycwmwd
Exploitation of the hard granite began in the
second half of the nineteenth century, on the headland, at three
locations, Gwaith Trwyn and Gwaith Ganol (Headland and Middle
Workings) and a smaller quarry on the south side. Initially,
boats would be beached on the shore, loaded and floated out at
high tide, a procedure replaced by jetties. The main product
during the nineteenth century was the manufacture of setts. The
quarries closed in 1949.
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Tourism
‘Few travellers find their way to this secluded spot, which must indeed,
if visited at all, be visited for its own sake; but I can scarcely credit what
I have been assured, that I was the second person of the present generation who
had thus reached it for the purpose of inspection’ (Hyde Hall, 1810). The
commentator refers to Penrhyn Du at Marchros, two kilometres south of Abersoch
down a long sandy beach close to one of the busiest holiday destinations on the
peninsula.
Tourism came to the Llyn peninsula with the railway. Pwllheli was the
terminus of the Cambrian Coast line west of Barmouth and Criccieth. The
station was built in 1869 and the line was extended a short distance
further west to the other side of the harbour in 1909 to provide better
access to the town and the developments that were in process at the West
End. In 1890, Solomon Andrews, a Cardiff entrepreneur, undertook to develop
the sand bar on the west side of town as a holiday complex on the shoreline
incorporating a hotel, apartments a promenade and other facilities. Andrews
also acquired Plas Glyn y Weddw, a Victorian gothic house, built for
the Dowager Lady Elizabeth Love Jones Parry by the architect Henry Kennedy.
Solomon Andrews’ vision included using the house as a focus of
art and entertainment for local people and the holiday making public.
To this end he designed and built a horse tramway which ran from West
End, Pwllheli to Llanbedrog to trasport the visitors. The tramway continued
in operation until 1927.
Pwllheli
By the beginning of the twentieth century, visitors began to explore
further along the coast to Abersoch. The south coast was beginning to
experience the first ripples of a tourist boom. However, it was not until
the second half of the twentieth century that Abersoch became the popular
tourist destination that it is today. Abersoch was still a small village
of about 50 houses on the south side of the estuary in the 1890s. With
a good beach and sailing water, Abersoch expanded out of all proportion
in the twentieth century with around 500 or so houses on the south side
of the river and a further 100 on the north.
In the present day, tourism is one of the main occupations along the
coast from Pwllheli to Llanbedrog, to Abersoch and Marchros. There are
golf links and sandy beaches, extensive chalet accommodation and numerous
caravan parks.
On the north coast tourism had to wait for the motor car. Nevertheless,
at Nefyn, the fashionable pursuit of seaside holidays was catered for
in new developments immediately north of the town and at Morfa Nefyn
and Porthdinllaen. Villa style houses were built close to the sea, between
the town and the coastline. A golf club was established in 1907, part
of which extends over the length of the Porthdinllaen promontory. The
Nanhoron Arms Hotel was built in 1914 to cater for the holiday trade.
Further south, caravan and camping parks are
spread widely across the western coastal area from Porth Colman
and Penllech to Porthdinllaen and the village of Edern. None
of these are exceptionally large or as concentrated as the caravan
parks in certain areas of the south coast.
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Cultural
landscapes
In an assessment of landscape character and, more particularly, historic
landscape character it is sometimes considered to be appropriate to take
account of the work of artists and literary men and women as an associative
theme. This study takes the view that there is a distinction between
cultural attributes which take cognisance of the landscape, but do not
influence it or modify it, and are less relevant to such an assessment
than those attributes which change or impact upon the landscape. Examples
of the latter include cultural movements which significantly modify or
lend a particular and identifiable character to the landscape.
Within Llyn the consolidation of estates in
the hands of the gentry could be considered to be a cultural
phenomenon in several respects. From the early seventeenth century,
architectural innovations were being applied at the core of gentry
demesnes . Classical styling, drawn from Renaissance prototypes,
signalled the break from medieval and sub-medieval forms and,
at a micro-level, embellished and lent character to the landscape.
On another level, by the late eighteenth century, practical and
ornamental planting could be found on gentry demesnes in a landscape
otherwise generally devoid of tree cover. At the same time, in
an age of improvements, innovation in agricultural practice,
spearheaded by gentry landlords, transformed the pattern of the
landscape in many areas.
Religious movements may be cerebral or philosophical but they, nevertheless,
have made their mark on the landscape. At least from the twelfth century,
when earlier stone churches first appear, they represent the most substantial
and architecturally innovative buildings in the Llyn landscape, as far
as the evidence allows, before the later fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.
By the late eighteenth century and through the nineteenth century non-conformism
took hold in Llyn, a dissenting reaction to the workings of established
religion. Initially, the meeting-houses of the dissenters were plain
and barnlike, partly because the available rooms were generally utilitarian
and partly as a point of principle. As non-conformist congregations grew,
larger chapels were required. They distanced themselves from the traditional
architecture of the established church, preferring, in general, an apparently
anodyne choice of classical motifs. During the nineteenth century non-conformist
congregations significantly outnumbered members of the Anglican Church
and many communities even quite small ones, had three chapels, contributing
a very particular and distinctive character to the urban and village
landscape.
An industrial boom in the later nineteenth century chiefly focussed on
stone quarrying between Yr Eifl and Gwylwyr near Nefyn, at Mynydd Tirycwmwd
at Llanbedrog and lead mining in Llanengan and Penrhyn Du, Marchros.
These industries generated industrial villages of terraced houses, often
tightly nucleated to accommodate the workforce at Trefor, at Llithfaen,
Pistyll, Marchros and Llanbedrog. The pattern of these villages is distinctive,
and particularly so, in contrast to the predominantly rural and agricultural
character of the early nineteenth century.
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